by Fr Ian
This year the BBC has broadcast a four-part documentary about the terrorist attack which took place in London on 7th July 2005 - twenty years ago this year. The series is still available on BBC iPlayer.
I remember that at the time I wrote an article for a Catholic website (now defunct) and I thought I would re-publish the article here in hope of encouraging discussion and debate on the forum. Apart from a few small grammatical improvements and the addition of photographs I've left it completely unchanged, so the references are obviously dated. I wonder how far I've changed my mind since then? The issues are still very topical, as shown for example by Hamas' incursion into Israel on 7th October, 2023, Israel's retaliatory military operation in Gaza, and the car attack in Munich yesterday (Thursday 13th February) by an Afghan asylum seeker.In any case here's what I wrote in 2005:
The Islamist Threat: useful fictions, inconvenient truths
The new propaganda
framework
After the explosions
in London on 7th July Tony Blair expressed his usual perfunctory regrets about
the loss of innocent life and moved on quickly to the more important business
of constructing a serviceable framework of interpretation for the event: the
bombings were the work of Islamist fanatics motivated by hatred of “our” values
and a “desire to impose extremism on the world”. Later in Parliament he
announced yet another batch of restrictive anti-terrorist measures.
The London Mayor Ken
Livingstone rhapsodised about the English capital as the greatest city in the
world where “everybody lives side by side in harmony” (presumably when they are
not rioting outside low-stocked furniture stores) while Rowan Williams, the
Archbishop of Canterbury, exhorted the nation to summon up attributes of
"solidarity and common purpose…at this time of pain and sorrow and
anger".
Less than a week
later it fell to the Liberal Democrat leader Charles Kennedy to suggest,
logically enough, that those “like President Bush and Tony Blair, who have
sought to link Iraq with the so-called 'war on terror', can hardly be surprised
when members of the public draw the same link when acts of terrorism occur here
in the UK”. Kennedy’s rupture of the implicit all-party truce was denounced angrily
by government and Tory spokespersons alike as “naïve” and “deeply
irresponsible”.
Television
journalists repeatedly rebuked the RESPECT M.P. George Galloway for
insensitivity when he tried to contextualise the atrocity as opposed to merely
denouncing the viciousness of the perpetrators. The Armed Forces Minister Adam
Ingram – no lover of bland understatement, evidently - accused Galloway of
“dipping his poisonous tongue in a pool of blood” while Christopher Hitchens,
writing in the Daily Mirror, wondered how Galloway could bear to
act “as a megaphone for psychotic killers.”
The governing elite
in Britain and its media supporters have no choice but to deny any connection
between the Iraq débâcle and the first suicide bombing in Britain – which, we
are warned by the Commissioner of Metropolitan Police, is liable to be the first
of many.
In Iraq the
anticipated victory of yet another U.S./British “humanitarian intervention”
failed to materialise and now, unable to concede that the war is an unrelieved disaster,
government apologists are committed to drawing an increasingly surreal picture
in which the world is a safer place yet full of burgeoning terrorist cells;
where the War on Terror is extending western-style “freedom” everywhere yet
centuries-old liberties are steadily being removed from domestic statute books.
One of the main
components of the new post 9/11 propaganda framework is the assertion that
Islamist terrorism is the single, monolithic threat to “what we hold dear in
this country and in other civilised nations throughout the world”, to adopt
Blair’s woolly rhetoric. As with all propaganda, the intention behind this
effort to spread fear of a vague, irrational evil, is to forestall any factual analysis
of our real situation. The aim is to obscure the real causes of current global
unrest and violence.
John Paul II: the
root causes of terrorism
This is not to deny
the cruel, nihilistic character of present-day terrorism. But as Pope John Paul
II stated, almost a year after the attack on the World Trade Centre in New
York, there is no prospect of defeating terrorism without addressing its root causes.
The only sane response to terrorist violence, he said, is for governments “to
undertake new and creative political, diplomatic and economic initiatives aimed
at relieving the scandalous situations of gross injustice, oppression and
marginalisation which continue to oppress countless members of the human
family”.
While declaring that
terrorism is ultimately built on contempt for human life Pope John Paul
nevertheless went on to observe that “the international community can no longer
overlook the underlying causes that lead young people especially to despair of
humanity, of life itself, and of the future, and to fall prey to the
temptations of violence, hatred and desire for revenge at any cost”.
Professor Obiora Ike,
a human rights campaigner and a priest of the diocese of Enugu in Nigeria
offered a similar analysis of Muslim fundamentalism in his own country. The
basic problem, he said, is “increasing poverty”. “People are disillusioned
because the oil wealth of the country is bringing no benefits to them. Many
people have had to leave their homes because the oil extraction, run by foreign
companies, has contaminated their soil and their water. Poverty always leads to
intolerance and thus to violence”.
Daniel Johnson: Islam
vs. Christendom
By contrast with the
remarks of Pope John Paul and Professor Ike, Catholic reaction and commentary
in Britain following the 7th July attacks fell far short of any intelligent,
critical analysis.
No doubt many of the
Catholic bishops were enjoying themselves at the G8 jamboree, willing
collaborators in Blair’s campaign to establish his credentials as Saviour of
the Universe. Later in the week Cardinal Murphy O’Connor took the
uncontroversial line of decrying attempts to brand worldwide Islam as violent
and fundamentalist. But in a feature article in the Catholic Herald on 15th
July, Daniel Johnson, a writer for The Times and The
Daily Telegraph argued just that, claiming that “Christians are in
Denial over the Islamist Threat”.
There appear to be
two main strands to the anti-Islam argument. There is the position held by
Christopher Hitchens, Nick Cohen and others, that Islamic fundamentalism
threatens the secular, pluralist, liberal heritage of the western
Enlightenment. Then there is what we might call the Christian Right posture:
that Islam, a fiercely proselytising religion, menaces the heartlands of
Christianity.
Johnson belongs to
the second camp. He charges Christian leaders in Britain with a “grossly
inadequate” response to the “Islamist onslaught”. The 7th July attack,
he claims, was part of a “global Islamist war on the Judaeo-Christian West”.
The terrorists’ basic war-aim is nothing less than the establishment of a
“universal Islamic theocracy; the restoration of the caliphate”.
Johnson reproached
the Archbishop of Canterbury for declining to highlight the specifically
religious character of the conflict during a Thought for the Day broadcast
after the attack. Dr. Williams should have “sounded a note of defiance,” he
declares, “as Tony Blair had done”. After all, “Christianity is at the heart of
the civilisation that the Prime Minister pledged to defend”.
During his broadcast
Archbishop Williams expressed the hope that “justice, mercy, and joy” would not
be silenced by the kind of violence unleashed on 7th July. But for
Johnson, this kind of talk was too “nebulous”. His own febrile imagination then
takes wing:
“The only adequate
response is to make it clear that we shall indeed overcome, that our faith is
strong enough to withstand the siege, however long it may last. It is important
for young British Muslims to hear this from Christian leaders, lest they be tempted
to make the Islamist jihad their own”.
“For a thousand
years,” he concludes, “Christians in Europe had to defend their faith against
Islamic aggression…Now terrorists strike at the very heart of Christendom. If
priests do not speak up for Christianity, who else will?”
Let us pass over
Johnson’s more fantastical assertions: that modern Europe is in any sense a
unified Christian civilisation, defended by, among others, Tony Blair; that
during the past millennium Christianity was one-sidedly the victim of Islamic
attack; that today’s young British Muslims, possibly contemplating a resort to
violence, will think twice in the face of defiant posturing by the bishops.
More significant is Johnson’s misrepresentation of historical events as he
endeavours to panic readers with the threat of the Muslim Mysterons.
Along with the
majority of mainstream journalists Johnson finds no space to consider the point
made by Pope John Paul: that violent Islamist movements have often arisen out
of the legitimate grievances of impoverished societies, usually ruled by
dictatorships supported by the West, especially the United States.
Historical
perspective: who cares about “some stirred up Moslems”?
Johnson cites the
Islamic revolution in Iran as one aspect of a renewed challenge to the West. He
fails to mention the fact that the CIA overthrew the constitutional government
of Mohammed Mossadegh in Iran in 1953 following his nationalisation of the British-owned
Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. Britain and America then reinstalled the Shah who
banned the country’s liberal, democratic and socialist parties.
Similarly, America
supported the repressive regime of Jafaar Nimeiry in Sudan, despite his
attempts to incorporate shari’a law into the country’s penal code. Growing
opposition to Nimiery’s government, propped up by U.S. military and economic
aid, led to a 1985 coup by the army, which also overthrew the subsequent
short-lived civilian government.
Most notoriously,
America actively armed and trained radical Islamist groups in Afghanistan
during the 1980s in its attempt to weaken the Soviet Union. When the Soviet
army invaded Afghanistan in 1979 to crush the Islamic nationalist resistance
movement known as the Mujahidin President Reagan invited its leaders to
Washington and described them as "the moral equivalent of America's
founding fathers." As part of this pro-Islamist/anti-Soviet policy during
the 1980s many future al-Qaeda terrorists received their training from the CIA.
Jimmy Carter’s
National Security Adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, openly defended the past U.S.
policy of fomenting Islamic fundamentalism, in order to give the Soviet Union
“its Vietnam War”, in a newspaper interview in 1998. When he was asked if he
regretted his own role in encouraging Islamist terrorist groups Brzezinski
replied: “What is most important to the history of the world? The Taliban or
the collapse of the Soviet empire? Some stirred-up Moslems or the liberation of
Central Europe and the end of the Cold War?”
We might also note the curious absence of any mention of Iraq in Johnson’s blood-curdling scenario of the clash of civilisations. Like Blair and his camp-followers he characterises Islamist terrorism principally as a form of religious fanaticism to divert attention from its underlying social, political and historical roots: Muslim outrage at predatory designs in the Middle East, especially on the part of America and Britain.
Support for the
desperate tactics of the suicide bombers arose long before the 2003 invasion of
Iraq. Knowledge of the deaths of hundreds of thousands of innocent Iraqi
civilians during the decade of U.S.-British sanctions, described by Madeleine
Albright as "worth it", naturally fuelled Muslim cynicism and anger.
The bombardment of the early ‘90’s, which destroyed the country’s electricity,
water, and sewage systems, wrecked Iraqi industry and agriculture and left
lasting nuclear contamination, could hardly fail to boost support for
extremism.
But while left-wing
commentators are excoriated for stating the obvious, various Establishment
think-tanks and journals draw identical conclusions. Foreign policy specialists
do not even try to pretend that the Iraq war was prosecuted for reasons other than
the control of oil-supplies and prices and Great Power manoeuvring for
geo-strategic advantage.
Religious fundamentalism a
substitute for class solidarity
The fact is that
among the poor and exploited sections of the Muslim world and among the
deprived Muslim communities in Britain the reactionary philosophy of
the Islamists plays a role similar to that of modern fascist groupings on white
working-class housing estates: it fills a void.
During the 1980s
government policy in the capitalist countries, at home and abroad, sought to
weaken trade unions and national labour parties and to destroy all forms of
working-class solidarity. Radical social movements associated with third world
Catholicism in Latin America were denounced with the same kind of rhetoric
applied today to Islamist militancy.
The success of the
neoliberal agenda was initially hailed as the “end of history”. In fact it
ushered in the present era of unrestrained corporate greed, huge social
inequality and military adventurism. In the new atmosphere “New Labour” was
born, to serve the interests of big business and the super-rich elite. But as
tensions inevitably mount throughout the world where is the movement to which
ordinary people can turn to provide a vision and a programme for a just and
peaceful future, free from the encroachments of state power?
Just as it is not
possible to “make poverty history” within the parameters of contemporary
capitalism neither is it possible to counter the desperation and ferocity of
the Islamist extremists without being able to offer a nobler, saner
alternative.
While the poor of the world continue to die for the sake of western profits, while Blair proclaims his determination not to “give one inch” and his namesake at the Met blithely predicts further innocent fatalities at police hands, the task of exposing the ravages of the profit system and re-founding of traditional trade union, labour and co-operative movements has never appeared more urgent.
2 comments:
Father Ian, your article has sent me on a journey back in time. I have never been the most avid keeper upper with current affairs and I suspect like many people I caught the headlines, heard the soundbites and watched the newsreels but never delved too deeply into the causes and effects. So I was prompted to go back and remind myself of the events of twenty years ago and have a fresh look at the lead up to the war in Iraq and at the 7/7 atrocities.
The documentary on BBC iPlayer makes for harrowing viewing. I watched all three episodes over the course of an afternoon and evening. It is deeply affecting. The events of 7/7/2005 are followed as they unfold - from the first sketchy reports of disruption on the London Underground to the realisation that a coordinated act of terrorism had been carried out in the capital and finally to the identification of the perpetrators.
All this is relived with moving first hand accounts from survivors, investigators, police, politicians and the bereaved. The passage of time lends a slightly different perspective and from this vantage point we are able to admire the resilience of the survivors, the courage of the rescuers and the perseverance of the investigators. It would be glib however to celebrate this as a triumph of the human spirit as it is clear that all concerned carry deep scars. It would be more accurate to say that the atrocities left a legacy of suffering for all concerned.
As for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 YouTube refreshed my memory. George W Bush spoke of the Axis of Evil and insisted that Saddam Hussein was concealing weapons of mass destruction. The weapons inspectors failed to validate his claims. The invasion went ahead regardless. I well remember watching on TV the night sky of Baghdad aglow with the first bombardment and feeling a great sense of unease that the UK had involved itself in this action. Before long we saw the now famous footage of the toppling of Saddam’s statue and his eventual discovery - bearded and barely recognisable - in his hideout.
The world, or at least humanity, blunders from one crisis to the next. A couple of decades on and world leaders have come and gone (Vladimir Putin being a rare exception) and the Destroying Angel hovers over a new landscape of rubble and carnage in Ukraine and Gaza.
In conclusion, this being a Faith Forum, I will make a few comments hopefully guided by my faith although informed as much by simple humanity. The abiding impression left by my foray into these two events from the past is that the consequence of aggression, be it in the form of terrorism or military action, is innocent suffering. The sad irony is that our innate abhorrence of innocent suffering is often the spur to aggression and inevitably this becomes an endless cycle. Just as the good people of London were going about their daily lives on 7/7/2005 so the residents of Baghdad putting their children to bed on March 21st 2003 were innocent victims of indiscriminate aggression. Perhaps we should pray for two things. One that as individuals we consider the consequences of our words and actions and secondly that our leaders do likewise in the words that they speak and the actions they engage in on our behalf.
Tim, thanks for your thoughtful comments. I also remember watching the bombardment of Baghdad and sensing that British TV journalists couldn't contain their excitement and glee at being closely involved in what they no doubt regarded as the scoop of a lifetime. I also remember thinking that it was distasteful for the television news channels to be serving up the bombing of a city as entertainment, as if it were a computer game. Of course I agree with what you say at the end of your comments about the attitudes and reactions that are appropriate for Christians in the face of innocent suffering.
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